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Yasmin Abedian Persuasive Writing — Mr. Wisley Oil on canvas Bug Best Friend has three modes it can be set to friendly, dance, and death. If you Benjamin Bean Oil on canvas Persuasive Writing — Mr. This product also offers a mode called death that can defend you from almost everything that could try to harm you. BBF could also give you a massage, karate lessons, and clean your room. It can do chores and help you do your homework. Parents, BBF protects your child from attackers and negative influences like drugs. It will protect your child from any harm and from your child making bad decisions.
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Matias Bruscantini Persuasive Writing — Mr. Now you see why I say Barcelona is the best and also why Messi is the best! They are awesome because of their characteristics. Study about this team and this player and you will see even more reasons why they are the best. Acrostic Poem Marvelous in everything she does Awesome at all times Really special for lots of people Intelligent but especially at school A very good actress Never gives up Always perfect for someone Friendly to all her friends Remarkable for the wonderful things she does You will think she is wonderful once you meet her Social with everyone Zero is never her grade Elegant when she wants to be Respectful to people who are nice Mariana Taguchi Fryszer Poetry Writing — Mr.
The first reason is because of the graphics. Now think of playing games in blue-ray. Now think of playing without blue-ray, just a little better quality. So which do you prefer? The second reason is because of the internet. On the PS3 this feature is free. Now then what would be the PS3s final price? What about the Xbox if you buy the Wi-Fi, internet and upgraded internet? So which is cheaper? Next is the opposite views from Xbox to PlayStation 3. The first of the two is that a lot of people say that the Xbox controller is better because it is bigger. I just think that the PS3 controller is smaller because the smaller the controller is the faster you can play.
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Like getting over 15 different types of cancer from the over 4, chemicals in cigarettes. Do you want to die or have a heart attack from smoking? Many people have died of smoking. Smoking just makes your body really bad. Do you want to be the next? How about trying to eat more fruits and exercise more. Lighting up a cigarette? As I said tobacco smoke contains 4, different chemicals. Smoking could almost ruin your life because when you are smoking you think its fine. But when you suffer and die then you realize. Smoking can lead to diseases like cancer and heart attacks.
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Some people might think that the airplanes are better because of the comfort and because your parts of your body will not be left behind. But it is better to have parts left behind than to die. You might think burglars can steal one of these and go to your house, to get everything. We did a security code that comes on the box and you can adjust the code. I know that the price will be much higher than an airplane ticket but it will be much better too, image the time you will save!
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Wishes When I was nine years old I found a golden lantern at the beach. I was walking on a beach in Hawaii on my own. I heard the wave, I came closer. I looked, and looked, and then I saw a reflection on the sand I got a good look, it was a golden and bright lantern! I got it and tapped it.
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Then they let us go and flew away. Vampirlandia Booth Welcome to Vampirlandia! Here everyone is a vampire and every day is Halloween. As you approach the Vampirandia Booth you see those poor people who did not succeed in winning the booth game who are doomed to slavery forever.
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Narrative Writing I just thought about looking in the canteen, because of the food. But I did not find him. I looked in the library since my snake loved to read. I went there and saw my snake siting on the toilet. I brought him to the classroom and everyone was happy to see him. That will still be a mystery not solved at all.
Smart Eye. She was named like that because her whole family was super at solving mysteries. But Mrs. Smart Eye was the only person in the family that was horrible at it. She was horrible at saying nice things too. Her neighbors, Mr. Painter and Mrs. Cutie Cat hated her. Cutie Cat was special because she could see if something was handmade and how much it costs.
And her parents gave her a computer. Her best friend gave her a ticket to go to the movies. Jessica unpacked it. It was a scary witch costume. She was so happy. When Jessica came back from school she called her best friend, Angelina, to play with her witches and princesses. Angelina came at 3: Jessica took her witch costume and they both changed into them. They had a lot of fun playing witches and princesses, but at 6: The box was dusty. Jessica opened the box and put all the Jessica looked once. She went into her bedroom and mixed the costumes up that Jessica put on her bed. Then she looked in the box were Jessica got the Should I tell it?
She hated people. The most things she hated were kids. She hated them so much, that one time, she had a horrible idea. She did a magic spell that every th kids ghost costume will come alive. I was one of the kids that had a real ghost costumes. I was in 6th grade when she did the spell. I know about it because it was in the newspaper. From that day on, I keep all my costumes in this box because I am so scared that the witch could do a Jessica found three different finger prints on the box.
But one finger print was strange for Jessica. The next day Jessica went to the police. The police sheriff told Jessica that they would find out from who the finger print was. After one month the police sheriff called Jessica. When Jessica told her grandma about the fingerprint, I think it was Mr. Grandma said, Oil on canvas Painter, but I hate her. She got two costumes from the bed and put them organized in the box. Then, she got two other costumes and went to the box, but, what was that?
Jessica stepped on something. She put the costumes that she had in her hand in the box and went back to the thing that she stepped on. It was a ring. There was a name in the ring. Cutie Cat. Then, Jessica asked her grandma when Mrs. Cutie Cat visited her last. Jessica had an idea. She asked her grandma if she could borrow a precious glass. When her grandma agreed with her, Jessica went to Mrs.
Cutie Cat and asked her if the glass was handmade, and after Jessica had Mrs. When Jessica pressed the bell she was really nervous. A huge woman was standing in front of Jessica. Make up was all over her face. After Jessica entered the house, the huge woman told her that her name was Pamela Cutie Cat. Then she sat down on a chair next to a big mirror. In front of the mirror was a large table and on it was make up, After Mrs.
But then Mrs. Jessica made a little book about what she did to find out that it was Mrs. It was a real memorable day. Fun Burger FB Ladies and gentlemen, do you want to eat the most delicious burger of the world? Yes, you want! When you see it, you will want it. When you eat it, you will hear Luiza Buselato Writing — Mrs. These singers come to my restaurant often and buy Fun Burgers and Persuasive — Commercial love them!!! Come now! You will love it! You deserve to be healthy and happy!!
The Missing Snake In fourth grade we had a pet snake. It was a king cobra. Its colors were light brown, like sand, and red because it was from Egypt. Our class decided to get a female snake and we named it Cadence, because she liked to dance. We kept her in a glass aquarium, but I was the only one who liked her. She liked me. I knew she was poisonous and knew she loved me because she always was staring at me. One day I felt that something was wrong with Cadence, because she was not slithering to check on me as usual.
I looked carefully and she had abandoned her cage. We saw the boy that cleaned the cage and he found the lid broken. The first place we looked was the forest and the playground. Narrative Writing but then we found Mr. He was looking for his snake too. He had a pet snake too. I went to the playground and found her behind the bushes with Mr.
We decided to buy a bigger glass aquarium and toys for her babies. So we took them and put them in the aquarium. They were happy forever after! The restaurant is at Barigui mall. I created this burger to celebrate my 10 years in my restaurant. Everyone loves AJ Burgers. AJ Burgers are delicious and they look perfect.
We only use fresh and tasty ingredients. If you want to eat a cheesy, yummy and marvelous burger this is the place. Our bread is soft and our bacon is crunchy. Come and try this decadent burger. The ingredients are: Ana Julia Domingues Writing — Mrs. These ingredients are so aromatic.
By the way, the tomato and the lettuce are organic. Selena Gomez said that the AJ Burgers were the best that she ate. All the singers of One Direction said that they want to eat these burgers every day. Come before 3: Eat this AJ Burgers, because it is delicious. Her name was Mrs. She loved children about all, and also she loved Halloween.
She lived with her granddaughter Leonie and her dog Lulu. The dog was actually always nice and Leonie too. One day Mrs. Harry went to the up floor and went in her room. She kept all the costumes in the room. She wanted to give a costume to her granddaughter Leonie. She looked in her computer room and looked in her drawer under the table. The costume was not in the computer room; neither in the drawer, under the table.
She was sad. Then Mrs. She was frightened, because the costume was in the wardrobe. Why is the costume in your wardrobe? Leonie Harry said that Leonie could keep it. I love you. Happy Birthday! Albatrosses Even though Albatrosses are beautiful they need our immediate help. They are almost extinct. Machelor showed a video that inspired us, 4th graders, to help save the albatrosses from becoming extinct. The reason to save the albatrosses is that they can become extinct. These birds are magnificent. Their wing span is big. They fly over the Pacific Ocean. These birds eat plastic things that flow in the ocean, and they die a few days later.
The habitat of the albatrosses is Rafael Franco Writing — Mrs. Persuasive Speech getting polluted by the floating trash. Pieces of plastic come floating and accidently the birds eat that plastic. They die of pollution. In conclusion, please donate your extra cents. Muito mais do que isso, tem como objetivo uma psicogeografia a partir da qual esses artistas se constroem como tais ao tramarem sua obra.
Fonte da imagem: Os textos anti-editoriais de Alienarte buscam o enfrentamento com o leitor. Ou, por vezes, o estabelecimento de palavras de ordem, alertas:. A caretice reside em mais lugares do que se pensa. Alienarte cumpre o que promete: Em resposta ao convite, criam i.: A imagem publicada e censurada em i.: Ao encontrarem ou pegarem? Segundo Bassani: A cidade fetichizada e a mulher reificada.
A curadoria do evento barrou o trabalho, solicitando outro. What does it mean to be in exile? How does one express the experience of forced separation — of being absent from place? And what does the memory of that separation mean for generations to come, for those who did not physically experience exile but who know it through family feelings, experiences, and narratives? Izabel Fontes explores these questions in her critical essay on The House in Smyrna , a novel by Brazilian author Tatiana Salem Levy, herself a daughter of exiled Brazilians.
Her analysis conjures up words from musician Gilberto Gil, also exiled under the military regime, in his song Back in Bahia: Her grandfather brings her an old key—the key to his house in Turkey, where he lived before emigrating to Brazil, fleeing from the shadows of an impossible love. The object, preserved as a specter of a distant life, carries an implied request: The novel is composed of short chapters, divided into seven distinct temporalities. Marked by the same narrative devices and the same confessional tone, the narrative spans: Since the different stories—separated by decades in time—are all told using the same narrative strategy, they tend to blend together and become confused with one another.
The narrator, who claims to have been born in self-exile, seems to also reject any possibility of chronology, living in a dislocated and broken time. The entire narrative is constructed as the preparation for a trip, as if her life and suffering gain meaning only when she leaves her room, walks onto the airplane and gets off in the two countries that shelter her origins—where she discovers the cure to a fear that paralyzes her, allowing her to find a new love and make peace with the past.
This suffering unfolds over years and replicates itself in different forms, defining a way of being in the world and the image that the narrator sees in the mirror. The torturing of her parents during the dictatorship is seen as a type of formative violence, to be relived unconsciously by the mother and daughter over the course of their lives, in an inescapable cycle. This violence also shapes the past, reinterpreted and retold in terms uncovered in the clandestine basement of the police station. The appropriation of family history occurs not only on a discursive level, but also on a physical level, through the image of the narrator trapped in bed.
Deformed by the pains of a past she never experienced, confined to a deteriorating materiality, we see a narrator who does not recognize herself, whose body does not belong to her. This non-recognition spreads and intensifies, yet another mark of exile. Spaces—the different cities she visits, her room, the hospital where she watched her mother die, the apartment used by her parents as a hiding place, the prison cell where the torture takes place—are always described ambiguously.
The mark of exile expands and seems to dominate all of the semantic fields the narrator moves into and out of, representing, precisely, the absence and incompleteness of meanings: That is why I am solid, unpolished, still rough. Writing allows the trip to begin before the trip, through family photographs. For those who live in exile, the house is only a specter. Exile exists, then, in the form of deprivation of a space of identity. This generation, which can be referred to as the post-generation, lives beneath the shadows of an exile in effect never lived—a spatial displacement never experienced firsthand.
This unattainability is precisely what our narrator is searching for. By considering herself the product of an exile that was never hers, the main character in The House in Smyrna initiates a denaturalization of memory, which comes to be questioned, reconstructed and mediated. Broken space and inaccessible chronology continually reveal the impossibility of unification, while simultaneously exposing the limits of representation. A search for identity that returns to exile is a search for the vestiges of that which is absent.
Absence adheres to space and the narration itself. A note on the quoted passage: If you say this to Brazilian novelist Milton Hatoum, he will swiftly remind you that he invented his characters, but then add the caveat that certain elements of his own life influence his fiction. In his most recent novel, A noite da espera Night of Waiting ,.
As they tried to live daily life, they watched their classmates get arrested and sometimes disappear into that strange urban landscape. The images and his fragments of fiction inspired our conversation. I recreated the experience later by collaging the images, and attaching to each a quote from the interview and a section of the novel in my English translation. Choose an image in the collage that calls your attention and click.
Experience the quotes from the interview and the novel, like the memory that arises from your subconscious when you see an old photo or visit a place from your childhood. Meander through the memory of the other — that of both fictional Martim and his inventor, Milton Hatoum. Some fragments address the relationship between city space and oppression and the way in which politics are engrained in setting. Others simply capture the human experience of distance, loneliness, and abandonment.
All translations are from the Portuguese by Lara Norgaard. All efforts were made to find the rights to the photographs published in the volume. Please contact us with any information about the images Milton Hatoum is a Brazilian novelist born in Manaus in He has won a range of prizes for his fiction, including the prestigious Jabuti Prize for Relato de um certo Oriente , his first novel, and Cinzas do Norte , for which he also was awarded the Bravo! Paulo and O Globo. Identify the places where dictatorship violence took place and where resistance pushed back.
Visit them and experience history as something real and material, something that leaves its scars in territory. Imbuing places with memories of the past is essential to learning about what the military regime meant for the experience of people of different social groups going about their everyday lives.
It is an extremely important public memory initiative, one relevant for an international audience as well as a local one. A world-famous tourist destination, Rio de Janeiro is filled with invisible traces of a recent oppressive dictatorship — which has as its legacy state violence in the present. Artememoria adapted the 34 sites located in the center zone of Rio de Janeiro, many of which relate to artistic and cultural resistance, developing an interactive, English-language map. Virtually explore the urban fabric of Rio de Janeiro by selecting themes of interest or, if you visit Rio, use this page as an alternative guidebook, one that allows for a deep understanding of Brazilian history and issues of human rights in the past and the present.
This map contains nine central themes, listed below the tenth theme, Rural Repression and Land Conflict, does not apply to the central zone of the city of Rio. The categories highlight some of the research topics considered fundamental to developing a critical memory of the period of the military dictatorship. Note that the themes are not mutually exclusive, nor fully comprehensive, and that not all spaces fit cleanly within each topic. For that reason, each site of memory on this map falls within at least one of the major thematic categories.
It also includes the major events and ideological and political disputes that characterized the s and that resulted in the installation and consolidation of the military regime. This category primarily encompasses the network of institutions and physical spaces responsible for the political oppression carried out during the military regime, including the censorship and propaganda apparatus. It highlights official sites belonging to the Armed Forces, police, or the judiciary as well as clandestine ones. Also included in this list are spaces in which repressive state action constituted attacks or extreme acts of violence.
In that sense, it reveals the military, corporate, and civil bloc that enabled the installation of the military dictatorship and its perpetuation for 21 years. Also included are the civil society organizations and businesses targeted by the dictatorship. Here, we consider political repression against workers and unions, which was one of the most targeted groups during the dictatorship. This theme presents the actions carried out by student movement in universities and high schools during the military dictatorship.
It encompasses mobilizations and student protests in the struggle against dictatorship, as well as the conservative education policy and violations of human rights that the State committed in universities and the education sector more broadly. This section relates to the role of the Catholic Church during the military regime, spanning from resistance to the dictatorship on the part of priests, bishops, Catholic youth movements, and neighborhoods to the collaboration of conservative sectors of the Church with the coup.
It also deals with the political repression and human rights violations against lay workers, priests, and Catholic activists. This theme describes the processes behind the political-cultural articulation of black resistance to the dictatorship. It also covers the specific characteristics of political repression and state violence against the black population, its movements, and cultural projects during the military regime. Here, we focus on a range of political and cultural actions critical of the military regime, the various aesthetic languages of resistance to dictatorship, as well as the persecution, censorship, and other restrictions of freedom of speech and political participation that the dictatorship perpetrated.
In that same line of thought, this section also includes initiatives to memorialize the political and social violence of the dictatorship that was carried out during the period after the regime, during the political transition, and after democracy normalized. This theme discusses the redefinition of urban space that occurred due to public policies prioritizing elitist and segregationist housing that were implemented in Rio de Janeiro favelas under the military regime.
It involves the mass forced displacements as well as other forms of violence intended to prevent the mobilization and social-political organization of favela residents. In this section we present mechanisms of resistance of the LGBT lesbian, gay, bisexual, transvestite, and transsexual population during the dictatorship and show the specific acts of discrimination and repression that the regime launched against this part of the population. This category focuses on the forms of gendered violence practiced by state agents during the military dictatorship.
It is one of a series of products that seek to strengthen the reconstruction and promotion of social and historical memory about the military dictatorship, as well as to provide symbolic reparation to those affected by political violence in the state of Rio de Janeiro. This initiative aims to address a key aspect of the military regime that ruled Brazil between For this reason, spaces identified in Rio de Janeiro cities and rural areas are the object of study and guiding thread of this project. Though there were broader structures, actors, processes, and context on a regional, national, and international scale , these sites are considered unique and indispensable vessels for understanding the history and memory of repression and resistance from this period.
The reader has in their hands a collective, multi-authored work. Each participant had a distinct perspective, topic of interest, and style in the way they approached the chosen themes and spaces. The lack of sameness did not, however, prevent participants from sharing in the special-temporal premise that grounds the project, the pattern that guides the texts, and, above all, the core goal that drove the initiative: Based on the assumption that historical study historiographical knowledge, as we understand it and memory are complimentary and indispensable.
Focused on public space and made for the general public, and under the aegis of human rights and democracy, this memorial process begins to make visible the demands of persecuted and victimized groups. It also begins to make available knowledge about a history that, to a large extent, remains forgotten, ignored, silenced, hidden, and even denied by the State and civil society. It is necessary to clarify a few points about the central axes that, interwoven, structure the book: The question of memory about repression during the military dictatorship does not assume the existence of a single memory, but instead of a plurality of memories.
This plurality, in the slow and ongoing political process of settling the score with the violent past, involves a varied range of social, institutional, and state actors. Their dynamic implies that some memories try to impose themselves over others in a hegemonic way, even though all memories, through their very historicity, suffer changes.
These changes are inherent to processes of remembering, forgetting, and silencing that occur according to national and international shifts in context political, legal, ideological, and cultural and in the power relations between key actors. Still, the plurality of existing memories about the dictatorship does not erase the fact that the original conflict that has persisted to this day — supported by subjective experiences, lived and communicated — results in an opposition between the accounts and interpretations of associations of the family of dead and disappeared political prisoners, human rights organizations, and social movements on the one hand and, on the other, those of the military and its civilian allies.
The origin of the trauma, absence, and shortfalls in the process of memorializing the past of political violence dates back to the period of the military dictatorship. Its most important characteristics and consequences remained during the political transition to democracy and continue to project themselves, to varying degrees, into the normalization of institutional democracy in the s.
This redemptive narrative would then be repeated and celebrated in army barracks and in yearly official ceremonies. It would also continue to be commemorated in barracks until and, in military clubs, through the present day.
These measures grew in intensity and fed into the narrative of a Strong Brazil with the effects of official propaganda, which were revamped as patriotic, moralistic, and anti-subversive. Despite this, groups made up of the families of political prisoners and the disappeared began to demand information from the authorities about the conditions and whereabouts of their relatives as early as At the same time, they would seek out channels to expose crimes committed by the regime. One can see this in various situations and places included in this collection.
Meanwhile, groups of exiled Brazilians abroad and transnational networks of activists for human rights organized reports and lobbied for international recognition of arbitrary imprisonment, systematic torture, killings, and disappearances. In both political contexts, the memory of the groups affected by repression would appear in a varied range of practices and representational forms. Nunca Mais Brazil: Never Again in ; the records from the witness testimonies of victims about repression; accusations lodged against repressive agents still holding positions in public service; the creation of monuments that honor victims, as well as appeals to local and state authorities to change the names of streets and schools; and lastly, rich and varied cultural production in film, theater, literature, painting, sculpture, etc.
The negative memory of political violence never achieved widespread circulation in Brazilian society. The actors carrying that memory were unable to hold the State accountable for the demands they had made. They remained isolated, socially and politically. These groups prioritized other demands, both old and new, which had been suspended until that point.
This strategy created the Amnesty Law, and its dominant interpretation is the most powerful barrier blocking social and historical memory about the dictatorship. And it was through this new legal-political-ideological mechanism that the guarantee of immunity for the Armed Forces was extracted. The State used this mechanism to plaster with forgetting impunity, concealment, silence, and lies the arbitrary detentions, the torture, the secret military courts operating beyond the rule of law, the killings, and the forced disappearances perpetrated by its agents.
It did so in such a way that it could regularly refuse demands made by relatives of the dead and disappeared, former political prisoners, and human rights organizations for the investigation into the facts and the circumstances of what happened, public recognition of what had taken place, reparations for the victims, memorializing measures, and holding the repressive agents criminally responsible.
It is not surprising, given this context, that the government would block any consistent policy or mechanism for transitional justice. Decades would have to pass for the extremely long amnesic phase would show any signs of change. The first significant step took place during the Fernando Henrique Cardoso administration in After discreet negotiations with the military took place about the thorny topic of dictatorship repression and emphatic assurances that amnesty was not being questioned, the Brazilian State assumed, for the first time, responsibility for the deaths of disappeared political opposition — without investigating the circumstances of those deaths or naming the responsible parties, individual or institutional.
It also guaranteed death certificates for the families — even though the families bore the burden of proof — and monetary reparations which the majority of families had not demanded. There was a marked privatized slant and the clear goal of impeding any public debate about the topic in society. In , in the name of national reconciliation and commitment to close the question of the past at once, the Amnesty Commission was established for the politically persecuted. These advances tied into the linchpin of reparations and its connections with truth and memory.
The result was a complex and contradictory political dynamic driven by four independent forces: The list of breakthroughs is long: At the same time, in an indirect and contained way, this accumulation of information threw into question legalized impunity. In fact, what one saw was an unprecedented un-amnesic phase developing throughout the political landscape in relation to the military dictatorship.
What made this possible was, on the one hand, favorable political conditions on a domestic level, in which a sector of the governmental elite found rapid support and action from long-time actors and new social collectives that had persisted in the struggle not to let the dictatorial past be forgotten. On the other, a favorable Latin American and global context legalized and legitimized applying international human rights paradigms to the treatment of the recent violent past. This broader context not only circulated mechanisms of transitional justice but also spread the value for traumatic memory for these types of injustices.
It is in this general framework, and in a situation where a sentence condemning the Brazilian state by the CIDH seemed inevitable, that the novel National Truth Commission entered the political scene. Passed by law in Congress in November along with an absolutely necessary Freedom of Information Act, the CNV was the result of a series of conflicts, negotiations, and interconnected decisions that involved the government, the Armed Forces, human rights organizations, the STF, and leadership from major political parties.
It had broad investigative powers and its primary objectives were to bring to light grave human rights violations perpetrated by the state of exception, recommend preventative measures to prevent the repetition of this kind of regime and to achieve national reconciliation, and to promote the reconstruction of a historical interpretation of the period based on these violations and with an emphasis on the victims. Once established and operating, the CNV quickly became the impetus for an expansive and unprecedented wave in Brazil, inspiring state and group-specific truth commissions; countless forums for public debate; the multiplying of depositions and testimonies; sensitivity in younger generations; new public and private archives; broad coverage in mass media and spillover onto social media; intensified production on the period in academia and investigative journalism; diverse artistic expressions; and, without a doubt, the most intense moment in the dispute over memory regarding the meaning, knowledge, and interpretations of the military regime, in addition to tributes, monuments, and campaigns to establish museums and sites of memory and education about human rights in various Brazilian cities.
In sum, the CNV inscribed into the memorial process about the military dictatorship a stimulus, acceleration, and breadth of unprecedented activities tied to diverse groups and actors. The height of this action was between March and April , the symbolic moment marking 50 years after the military coup. The CNV crafted a general narrative about the historical experience of the military dictatorship, centered on the question of grave human rights violations committed by the State, as is shown in the Final Report and the 29 recommendations that accompany it, presented to Dilma Rousseff in December It includes the names of the victims who were killed as well as those responsible for the crimes, and recommends opening investigations and court trials.
However, the expanding un-amnesiac phase came abruptly to a close in the extreme two-pronged political and economic crisis that Brazil suffered after the presidential elections — a crisis that, since that time, has not ceased to deepen.
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The lasting nature of the crisis, permanent uncertainty in the present moment, and the destructive impact of the crisis in diverse contexts political-institutional, economic, social, cultural, ethical generated amnesia about the recent past along with the rapid dissolution of expectations about the future. In terms of reparation, truth, and memorialization, these effects sharpened under the Temer administration, even before the turbulent impeachment of president Dilma Rousseff had come to a close.
Many previous advances were interrupted, cleared out, dismantled. In any case, the current framework shows the fragility of social and historical memory about the military dictatorship, as well as the prevailing weight of the barriers, restrictions, and opposition that appeared throughout the process of transitional justice. There is no dearth of research in history and the social sciences that shows the strong propensity for silence, lack of awareness, and indifference amongst vast swaths of the population in relation to the political past, and specifically, to the recent political past and the military dictatorship.
Above all, this refers to the strategies not explicitly laid out during the period of political transition that have largely persisted for the nearly thirty years of normalizing democratic institutions, not including the important changes in policy, though cut short and precarious, introduced in the last phase of transitional justice.
And when it has, that treatment has been slow, truncated, and unequal. It is for this reason that the challenge of making this project an informal pedagogical tool for awareness and memory of political violence in the past is even more relevant. It is in this context of intense crisis, in a turbulent pre-election political, legal, and media moment that this book arises. We can also not limit ourselves to a simplified version of the power structures and relationships of the dictatorship in which a single dominant pole is strictly limited to the military and the repressive apparatus while a second pole of resistance consists of a homogenous block of political opposition or armed resistance.
On the contrary, the goal of this project is to consider the complex interconnectedness of domination, violence, and resistance by delving into historical landmarks in a comprehensive way, noting changing power relations and the different interpretations and perspectives of various actors from both inside and outside the State. The last dictatorship was not a government that sustained itself purely on coercion — and, in the same way, the government was not the only entity that carried out violence, nor was political opposition the only target.
Resistance did not wear thin during the open conflict between actions and discourses of the most visible actors political parties, unions, social movements, civil society organizations, and underground leftist organizations. And that violence definitely should not be viewed as infrequent or as a deviation from the norm, as it was inherent to this form of political and social domination. In other words, violence was necessarily tied to the economic, social, political-institutional, and ideological-cultural dimensions of dictatorial order, conditioning and deeply affecting these components of the regime to varying degrees.
It would be reformulated into its most intense phase after the Fifth Institutional Act AI-5 and come to be all pervasive, centralized, selective, clandestine, and effective. The violence of the regime affected countless victims through different means physical coercion, purges in the workplace, exile, fear of being tipped off, etc. State violence and its technological mechanisms for wielding power over the body, specifically against members of armed resistance groups, reached sophisticated levels of cruelty and barbarity. The dictatorship practiced kidnapping, systematic torture, sexual abuse, execution, dismemberment, disappearance, and hid bodily remains.
But the repressive structure that cracked down on leftist activists had consequences that deeply affected society as a whole. This would be the combined effect of disseminating fear of physical coercion and persecution, of censorship and self-censorship in the press, symbolic violence, and official propaganda. The true face of the military regime consisted of the denial of politics, the perversion of legal sense and rights, and a culture of violence and arbitrary acts made banal by the dictatorship.
It was a new version of the old matrix of political and social Brazilian authoritarianism. However, even as the military dictatorship would come to administer repression in a more contained and selective fashion in its final chapter, it never lost the violent, arbitrary, and authoritarian qualities that permeated its institutional mechanisms and practices.
But that does not mean that the dictatorship managed to impede the emergence of different forms of resistance and dissidence over the course of its rule. That existed in different contexts and environments, as alluded to in many different spaces in this project.
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The consequences and impacts of institutionalized violence, however, did not end with the transition to democracy. These are the individuals who form the heart of current struggles for reparations, memory, truth, and justice. On the other hand, an indeterminate number of unknown victims — individuals and social groups not connected with political opposition to the regime indigenous peoples, peasants, traditional communities, people of color from impoverished peripheral areas, the LGBT community, etc.
Even so, it is worth mentioning that one should not measure the violent character of a dictatorship based on the number of lethal victims or persecuted people that its repressive apparatus produced. In addition to the question of victims, there are still direct legacies of the dictatorship on a constitutional and legislative level, visible remnants that linger in State institutions, administrative structures, and public policy — as well as in the imaginaries, discourses, and social action at the heart of the State and civil society.
These crimes take place in the normative-institutional framework of democracy, under different foreign and domestic historical conditions, and with a social profile that defines new victims young people, the majority of them black and poor. For this reason, the final reports of both the CNV and the CEV-Rio propose a set of recommendations that call attention to the urgent need for institutional measures and reforms, constitutional and legal, in addition to specific public policy and independent social initiatives in varied e-contexts.
This is the way to settle scores with the violent injustice of both the past and the present in terms of reparation, memory, truth, and justice. This project has as its starting point the idea of a place or a site as the territorial location of a specific point in space, represented on a map as coordinates and precise references that, on a small scale, carry the very characteristics of materiality and concreteness. However, we do not fully break away from the distinction between space and place in the sense of an opposition between something global versus something local , nor that between space and time, which necessarily involves prioritizing one concept over the other.
Still, the physical medium of place is social, steeped in subjective temporality and immateriality. Symbolic appropriations, experiences, and the material side of human action that took place in a site in specific contexts host many layers of meaning that end up forming a place filled with memories and histories. Others — the ones that were sites for protests, social and political struggle, meeting and communication that restored politics as a part of freedom of speech and action in public space — question the lawful and the illegal dimensions of dictatorship order.
All of these sites carry the history of the facts that took place there and conflicted memories that condense and materialize in space — memories that, forgotten or ignored by large swaths of the population today, still contain the traces and vestiges of feeling, meaning, and truths experienced by the protagonists of the conflicts and witnesses. That is why organizations and social collectives fight to establish memory markers in physical space, whether as part of their own initiatives or as part of demands by state institutions.
It is for the permanent resident or visitor of the areas contemplated, whose routines, schedules, and everyday movements pivot on these invisible places. And we do this through the conjunction and dialogue between text, maps and the floor plans of some centers of repression , and photographs, specific to each site, and related to territorial, temporal, and thematic aspects of space. To this end, bibliographic, archival, oral and iconographic history research was conducted both to identify the places that would be included and to build the first drafts of the texts for countless sites.
The creation of maps and selection of images was carried out in relation to the state of Rio de Janeiro covering six of eight regions and cities of each of the chosen areas. In the same way, the project drew on oral history archives and witness testimony that truth commissions CNV, CEV-Rio, and municipal truth commissions gave to the initiative or on the transcriptions of interviews that the researchers on this team carried out.
Finally, we should note that the selected detention sites and places where action and repression took place, as well as the sites related to resistance movements in their many forms, are not exhaustive. The city of Rio de Janeiro was, on a national level, one of the areas in which state violence was most heavily exercised and has large numbers of victims and persecuted people including those who came from other states. It was also a space where many kinds of resistance and social, political, and cultural movements acted against the dictatorship.
Many memories and histories are yet to be discovered and told, a vast archive of documents and testimonies to be researched, which would allow us to learn about and spread awareness for the different meanings of a past that continues in the present. Brazil today does not run the risk of having a saturated memory, literally fixed in the past, with the possibility of falling into the abuse of memorialism.
On the contrary: It is against the heavy legacy of forgetting that we affirm here the always unfinished, fragmented, and open work of building memory and awareness of history and how it steps into the present. Facing the political and social violence of the recent dictatorial past and coping with it is essential, even if it is not a total guarantee that similar or even worse scenarios will not occur in the future.
Memories of past injustice, just as they have advanced, can also revert or even disappear depending on the historical circumstances and the struggles of those who do not forget and refuse to let the injustice be forgotten. Still, movements for social memory are unforeseeable, as Brazil and many other cases around the world show. Acesso em: Los Trabajos de la Memoria. El Estado y la memoria: Del Nuevo Extremo, ; e La lucha por el pasado: Buenos Aires: Siglo XXI Editores, Museo de la Memoria y los Derechos Humanos, La Justice Transitionnelle: International Center for Transitional Justice.
Reckoning with Dictatotialship in Brazil. The University of Wisconsin Press, Culturas do passado- presente: Contraponto, Las luchas del pasado. Brasil , em novembro de Editora FGV, Militares, democracia e desenvolvimento: Domination and the Art of Resistances. Nova Haven: Yale University Press, O que resta da ditadura. Boitempo, Informe Gallimard, Perspectiva, Editora da Unicamp, La lucha por el pasado: Siglo XXI, The Central Army Hospital HCE was an important component of the repressive structure mounted by the military dictatorship in the state of Rio de Janeiro.
The space served to rehabilitate political prisoners who had been tortured in other official or clandestine facilities and to forge expert reports for victims killed by agents of the State. The locale is still associated with the assassination and forced disappearance of activists who opposed the dictatorship. The Central Army Hospital was founded in through a decree signed by Marshal Manoel Deodoro da Fonseca , replacing the old Military Hospital that had stood in an old mansion in Morro do Castelo since The name change was accompanied by the construction of new hospital facilities in the Benfica neighborhood in the central region of Rio de Janeiro.
The hospital was inaugurated in June of During the military dictatorship, the activists sent to the HCE were kept in specific wings of the hospital, such as the psychiatric infirmary and the thirteenth prison infirmary. The decision to hospitalize political prisoners was aimed, in many cases, at guaranteeing the physical recovery of the victims so that they could be interrogated under torture again at a later date, as well as at continuing their psychological torture.
A series of testimonies makes this evident. The case of Estrella Bohadana is one of the most emblematic. In the words of the activist:. The state in which one returned from torture was, in general, a very, very unfortunate state. When I came to, I was already in a hospital cell. But even so, the interrogations continued, there, inside the same hospital, without physical torture, of course, but with obvious psychological, emotional torture, I mean, with lots of threats. Right there in the HCE, I had contact with other comrades.
Marcos Arruda, who was in the male wing, was also barbarously tortured. There, no one had been less than barbarously tortured. Me I , for example, when I left the hospital, I went back to being tortured. I went back to Barra Mansa, and then I went back to being tortured, everything all over again. I mean, when I thought that the thing had ended. Because, really, what could they want from a prisoner after three months of torture? There is no more information to give.
I went through three days of terror in the DOI-CODI until December 25, Christmas day, and spent all of Christmas night listening to screams of those being tortured, waiting for my turn to be taken. Maybe I had been spared because I had a seizure. They stopped giving me medicine for three days, and then they took me back to the HCE.
Aquino and Doctors Elias and Mota were still there. The head of security was Major Sadi, later replaced by Captain Morais, who by exception treated us like human beings. She was sent to the PIC again after her recovery: But there is evidence that in addition to being the space for the recovery of the political prisoners, the HCE was also a space for interrogations and physical torture. Due to the violence suffered, Raul was taken to the HCE by recommendation of an official doctor on August 4 of that year, where he passed away about a week later.
More recently, the medical-legal report elaborated by expert Nelson Massini and presented in a public hearing organized by the CEV-Rio in August proved that Raul Amaro was physically tortured in the HCE in at least two distinct moments. This indicates that Raul suffered new lesions after checking into the hospital. This was the first case in which the practice of physical torture within a military hospital during the dictatorship was proven.
In addition to the assistance and cooperation with the practice of illegal imprisonment and torture, the HCE also helped to falsify official reports on victims of state repression. Such action was taken mainly to conceal the true causes of death of the activists, who had been assassinated by agents of the State, and the systematic practice of torture against those who opposed the dictatorship. The autopsy report, modified by the medical service of the HCE, reiterated the official version that Severino had committed suicide inside his cell.
A team of experts with the CNV managed to deconstruct this version of events and identify inconsistencies in the report, concluding that Severino was assassinated by state agents. The history of the HCE brings up an important discussion about the role of medical professionals during the military dictatorship. Instead of saving lives and attending to the health of the sick, some of these professionals were accomplices in the carrying out of grave human rights violations. The participation of doctors in torture even involved their presence during interrogations, where they would supervise torture and resuscitate the prisoner, administering treatment before, during, and after the sessions.
During the sessions, the doctor determined if the prisoner could continue being mistreated or if it was necessary to reduce the degree of violence so the prisoner would not lose consciousness and thus be able to continue giving information. The participation of doctors also involved the omission of tests and the falsification of reports, autopsies, and death certificates.
In this sense, covering up clear signs of torture and concealing of real causes of death of those who had been assassinated was common. Finally, medical professionals concealed bodies.